"One must not tie a ship to a single anchor, nor life to a single hope."
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"He who commands the sea has command of everything."
---Themistocles679Please respect copyright.PENANAe7wwd63T5J
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"Take courage, my heart: you have been through worse than this. Be strong, saith my heart; I am a soldier; I have seen worse sights than this."
---Homer, The Odyssey679Please respect copyright.PENANAcTyuHhlDqr
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The Dodecanese islands boast an incredibly diverse and storied cultural heritage, a treasure trove of historical significance that captivates the imagination. It's truly remarkable that this cluster of idyllic isles, situated in the southeastern Aegean Sea, has yielded some of the world's most influential thinkers and philosophers. Among these luminaries, one can scarcely overlook the profound contributions of Kleovoulous the Linian, a figure whose intellectual legacy has left an indelible mark on the annals of philosophy. His enduring influence continues to resonate across the ages, serving as an enduring source of inspiration for countless generations. His philosophical teachings and innovative ideas remain as relevant today as they were in his time, a testament to the timelessness of his wisdom. Through his philosophical insights, Kleovoulous encouraged critical thinking and contemplation, fostering a tradition of intellectual exploration that endures on these enchanting islands to this day. This is but one chapter in the broader narrative of the Dodecanese islands, where a rich cultural tapestry weaves together the stories of countless scholars, artists, and thinkers who have called this archipelago home. This remarkable cultural heritage continues to stand as a testament to the enduring spirit of creativity and enlightenment that has flourished on these seemingly modest yet profoundly significant islands throughout history.
Their misfortune, the author is sorry to say, is to be located in the southeastern Aegean Sea where they occupy a remarkable geographical position that has played a pivotal role in facilitating the exchange of ideas, trade, and cultural influences throughout history. Archaeological evidence suggests that these islands were inhabited by various ancient civilizations, leaving behind traces of their existence and cultural influence. As we delve into the annals of time, we discover that the first known inhabitants of this archipelago were believed to be the Telchines and Iliads, ancient peoples whose presence dates back to prehistoric times. However, it was during the Neopalatial period on Crete, around the 2nd Millennium BC, that the Dodecanese experienced significant transformation. This was because of the Minoans, an advanced civilization from Crete, who heavily influenced these islands. There was trade and cultural exchange, leading to a process known as Minoanization. They brought with them their sophisticated artistry, architecture, and technological advancements, which greatly impacted the local communities of the Dodecanese.
Nonetheless, this period of flourishing prosperity was abruptly curtailed by the decline of the Minoan civilization. Around 1400 BC, the Mycenaean Greeks, renowned for their formidable military prowess, launched an invasion that led to the conquest of the Minoans. This pivotal event marked the assimilation of Minoan culture and had a profound and enduring influence on the entire region. The Mycenaean invasion not only reshaped the cultural landscape but also set the stage for a complex interplay of civilizations, leaving a significant mark on the course of Aegean history.
Then came the Persian Wars of 499 BC, during which the islands were captured by the Persians for a brief period. Following the defeat of the Persians by the Athenians in 478 BC, the cities joined the Athenian-dominated Delian League. When the Peloponnesian War broke out in 431 BC, they stayed neutral despite their membership in the League. A wise decision, for by the war's end in 404 BC, the Dodecanese were mostly removed from the larger Aegean conflicts, and had begun a period of relative calm and prosperity. In 408 BC, the three cities of Rhodes had united to form a state, which built a new capital on the northern end of the island, also named Rhodes. This united Rhodes was to dominate the region for the coming millennia. Other islands in the Dodecanese also developed into significant economic and cultural centers, notably Kos, which served as the site of the school of medicine founded by Hippocrates.
The Peloponnesian War had so weakened the entire Greek civilization's military strength that it lay open to invasion. In 357 BC, the islands were conquered by King Mausolus of Caria, later in 340 BC by the Persians. But the second period of Persian rule proved to be nearly as short as the first, and the islands became part of the rapidly growing Macedonian Empire as Alexander the Great swept through and defeated the Persians in 332 BC, to the great relief of the islands' inhabitants. After Alexander died, the islands, Rhodes included, were split up among the many generals who contended to succeed him. The islands formed strong commercial ties with the Ptolemies in Egypt, and together they formed the Rhodo-Egyptian alliance which controlled trade throughout the Aegean in the 3rd Century BC. Led by Rhodes, the islands developed into maritime, commercial, and cultural centers: coins of Rhodes circulated almost everywhere in the Mediterranean and the islands' schools of philosophy, literature, and rhetoric were famous. The Colossus of Rhodes, built in 304 BC, symbolized their wealth and power.
In 164 BC, Rhodes signed a significant treaty with Rome, marking the beginning of a new era for the islands. This agreement allowed Rhodes to maintain its autonomy while forging an alliance with the powerful Roman Republic. As a result, Rhodes swiftly transformed into a prominent hub of education for noble families from Rome. The island's reputation as a center of learning grew exponentially, attracting students from far and wide who sought to benefit from its renowned schools and esteemed scholars.
The close ties between Rhodes and Rome proved mutually advantageous. Recognizing the strategic importance of the islands, Rome granted numerous privileges to Rhodes and its inhabitants. These privileges not only solidified their alliance but also fostered an atmosphere of friendly relations between the two powers. Trade flourished, cultural exchanges thrived, and both parties benefited from this harmonious partnership. These were eventually lost in 42 BC, in the turmoil following the assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BC, after which Cassius invaded and sacked the islands. Thereafter, they became part of the Roman Empire proper. Titus made Rhodes the capital of the Provincia Insularum, and eventually, the islands were joined with Crete as part of the 18th Province of the Roman Empire.
In the 1st century, the islands received notable visits from two prominent figures of early Christianity. St. Paul embarked on two significant journeys to these islands, while St. John's presence was far more frequent, marking the beginning of their remarkable efforts in spreading the Christian faith across this region. Their dedication and teachings played a pivotal role in the islands' transformation into one of the earliest and most steadfast bastions of Christianity. Notably, St. John found a lasting connection with the islands when he was exiled to Patmos. It was during this period of seclusion and reflection on the island that he composed his renowned work, the Book of Revelation, which remains an enduring testament to his spiritual insights.
In 395 AD, following the split of the Roman Empire into two halves, the eastern portion claimed the islands, which were then incorporated into what would ultimately become the Byzantine Empire. Under Byzantine rule, these islands enjoyed a measure of prosperity and relative stability, as the empire sought to expand its territories and secure its borders against various threats from neighboring peoples and kingdoms. Despite occasional setbacks and upheavals, the Byzantine presence on the islands endured for several centuries, leaving its mark on the region's history and cultural heritage. They would remain there for nearly a thousand years, though these were punctuated by numerous invasions. It was during this time that they began to re-emerge as an independent entity, and the term Dodecanese itself dates back to the 8th century, or thereabouts. Copious evidence of the Eastern Roman period remains on the islands today, most notably in hundreds of churches from the period which can be seen in various states of preservation.
In the 10th-11th centuries, on behalf of the Roman Empire of Constantinople, all the area was controlled and secured with trade duty rights, by powerful maritime city-state fleets of Genoa (with the clan of Vignolog d'Vignoli) and Venice (with the clan of Cornaros). When the Genoese managed to snatch a treaty from the Paleologos Emperors of Constantinople, they began invading portions of the Dodecanese, and other eastern islands from Chios to Rhodes which had remained under the nominal power of the Empire of Nicea. The Genoese family clans (Moresco, Vignoli, Giustiniani, Spinola, and others) each held some islands and they were allowed to rule, trade, and exploit raw materials (masticha, etc.), in exchange for maritime protection, while Orthodox monks ruled on Patmos and leros. Finally, the Byzantine era ended when the islands were rented and sold by Genoeses for the venue of the Knights Hospitaller (Knights of St. John). Rhodes was reinforced in 1309, and in the rest of the islands the Knights gradually built castles and fortresses over the next few decades, while the Genoese fleet was still in charge of the sea routes and kept their bases and trading stores (Empori) The Knights made Rhodes their stronghold, transforming its capital into a grandiose medieval city dominated by an impressive fortress, and scattered fortresses and citadels through the rest of the islands as well.
These massive fortifications, standing tall and proud, had withstood the test of time, successfully repelling invasions by the Sultan of Egypt in 1444 and Mehmed II in 1480. The walls that once seemed impenetrable had instilled a sense of security among the inhabitants of Rhodes, as they believed their citadel to be unconquerable. However, fate had a different plan in store for them. In the year 1522, an overwhelming force led by the formidable Suleiman the Magnificent descended upon Rhodes. Despite their valiant efforts and unwavering determination, the defenders of Rhodes could not withstand the sheer might of Suleiman's army. The once impregnable citadel finally succumbed to the relentless assault, marking a turning point in history. Within a year's time, the other islands surrounding Rhodes were also overrun by Suleiman's forces, leaving only a handful of Knights to escape to Malta - their last bastion of hope amidst the vast expanse of the Mediterranean Sea.
This brings us to the period of several hundred years of domination by the Ottoman Empire. The Dodecanese formed a separate province within the Eyalet of the Archipelago. The population was allowed to retain a number of privileges provided it submitted to Ottoman rule. By Suleiman's edict, they paid a special tax in return for a special autonomous status that prohibited Ottoman generals from interfering in their civil affairs or maltreating the general population. These guarantees, combined with a strategic location at the crossroads of Mediterranean shipping, allowed the islands to prosper. The overwhelmingly Greek population (only Rhodes and Kos had Turkish communities) leaned heavily towards Greece following its declaration of independence in 1822, and many of the islanders joined the Greek War of Independence, with the result that the northern portion of the Dodecanes, Samos included, became briefly the Greek provinces of the Eastern Sporades and the Southern Sporades. Kasos, in particular, played a prominent role due to its skilled sailors, until the Egyptians destroyed it in 1824. Most of the islands were left outside the new Kingdom of Greece. Indeed, the 19th century turned out to be one of the islands' most prosperous and a number of mansions date from this era.
(NOTE: There is a Turkish Moslem minority living in Rhodes and Kos. Sources have variously estimated the Turkish population of Kos and Rhodes to be between 5,000-7,000 people)
In the wake of the Italian-Turkish war erupting over control of Libya in the early months of 1912, Italy embarked on a strategic campaign to exert pressure on the Ottoman government, closer to its own metropolitan territories. This campaign resulted in the comprehensive occupation of all the islands that would later comprise the present-day Dodecanese, with the sole exception being the small yet significant enclave of Kastellorizo. The repercussions of this military occupation were far-reaching, as Italy sought to secure its interests and territorial ambitions. The Treaty of Ouchy, a diplomatic agreement negotiated at Lausanne in 1912, played a pivotal role in these unfolding events. Italy wielded its occupation of the Dodecanese as a powerful bargaining chip, leveraging it to ensure the fulfillment of the treaty's terms. Consequently, the islands remained under Italian control, serving as a tangible guarantee for the treaty's execution. Remarkably, the Italian occupation of the Dodecanese persisted well beyond the conclusion of the conflict with the Ottoman Empire in 1912. Even as World War I engulfed the world in a vortex of conflict, Italy opted to retain its hold over the islands, despite having declared war on the Ottoman Empire on August 21, 1915. This prolonged occupation underscored the strategic importance of the Dodecanese in the broader context of regional geopolitics and international relations during this turbulent period of history.
Throughout the tumultuous years of the war, the Dodecanese islands emerged as a strategically significant naval base for the Allied forces, namely Britain and France, as Italy was aligned with both nations during the course of World War I. The geographical positioning of the Dodecanese archipelago rendered it an invaluable asset for staging a multitude of pivotal military campaigns, with one of the most renowned being the Gallipoli campaign. These sun-kissed isles, initially prized for their idyllic landscapes, were now thrust into the crucible of war, reshaping the destiny of the Mediterranean theater. It's also noteworthy that several of the smaller islands within the Dodecanese were occupied by the joint French and British forces as they strategically positioned themselves to exert control over key maritime routes and access points. Meanwhile, the largest and most significant island, Rhodes, remained under the firm grip of Italian rule, underscoring the shifting dynamics of control and influence in the region. Amid these geopolitical fluctuations, in the year 1915, the French further extended their presence in the Dodecanese by occupying Kastellorizo, another testament to the islands' pivotal role in the broader theater of the Great War. The Dodecanese, once a tranquil haven, became a vital cog in the complex machinery of World War I, etching its own chapter into the annals of history.
In the aftermath of World War I, the Tittoni-Venizelos agreement, signed on July 29, 1919, played a pivotal role in reshaping the geopolitical landscape of the Eastern Mediterranean. This landmark accord delineated the post-war territorial arrangements between Greece and Italy. Under its provisions, Greece was granted control over a majority of the smaller islands, a significant step towards realizing its aspirations for territorial expansion. In contrast, Italy secured authority over the strategic island of Rhodes, strengthening its influence in the region.
Moreover, the agreement included a substantial territorial exchange, where Italy ceded the southwest Anatolian region in exchange for the city of Antalya. This diplomatic accord underscored the evolving power dynamics triggered by the aftermath of the Great War. It represented a proactive response to the need to establish a new order in the Eastern Mediterranean, demonstrating the adaptability and fluidity of diplomatic negotiations during a transformative era. The Tittoni-Venizelos agreement, therefore, not only redrew the maps but also laid the foundational groundwork for subsequent territorial reconfigurations in the region.
The Greek defeat in the Greco-Turkish War and the establishment of modern Turkey had a profound impact on the anticipated exchange of territories and the fate of the Dodecanese islands. In the aftermath, the Dodecanese islands became an integral part of Italy, formally annexed as the "Possedimenti Italiani del'Egeo" in accordance with the terms outlined in the Treaty of Lausanne. Mussolini, the Italian leader at the time, embarked on an ambitious program of Italianization, envisioning Rhodes as a modern transportation hub and a central point for the dissemination of Italian culture in the broader Levant region. It is worth noting, though, that the population of these islands remained predominantly Greek-speaking, with a Turkish-speaking minority and an even smaller Ladino-speaking Jewish minority. The immigrant Italian-speaking community on the islands, in contrast, constituted a relatively marginal linguistic group, coexisting within this rich tapestry of cultures and languages. This complex interplay of languages and traditions in the Dodecanese islands underscored the intricate dynamics of the region during this period of history.
While the Italian state officially placed the administration of the Dodecanese islands under the purview of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it's essential to recognize that the governance of these islands was intricately interwoven with broader ambitions of establishing and expanding an Italian empire within the Mediterranean region. This imperial vision extended its influence well beyond the confines of the Dodecanese archipelago and encompassed the Italian colonies in Libya, Somalia, Eritrea, and, following the conquest in 1936, Ethiopia. Thus, the administration of the Dodecanese islands became not merely a local matter but rather a vital component of Italy's broader strategy to bolster its presence in the Mediterranean and assert itself as a regional power. The islands were seen as strategic assets, serving as stepping stones in Italy's quest for regional dominance and as key components of its wider imperial ambitions. The interconnectedness of these various territorial claims and aspirations underscored the complexity of Italy's geopolitical interests during this period and their impact on the governance and development of the Dodecanese islands.
As part of security sovereignty in the islands, Italy created and applied a form of imperial citizenship for the local population unique to its overseas empire. Called Italian Aegean citizenship (cittadinanza egea italiana), this form of citizenship was inclusive of local political rights and exclusive of military service. After 1934, Dodecanesers could complete military service and apply to become full Italian citizens, an option that many locals chose while supporting Italian Fascism and seeing the Italian empire as promoting their financial well-being. Italian Aegean citizenship also ensured the islands were exempted from the exchange of Greek and Turkish minority populations in the Aegean, a provision of the Second Lausanne Treaty that ended the Greco-Turkish War following World War One. After 1934, it was also possible to acquire Italian Aegean citizenship from abroad and to transmit Italian Aegean citizenship on the principle of patrilineal descent. This reform mirrored the principle of jus sanguinis which provides the basis of Italian citizenship and it was especially intended for the large Greek-speaking Dodecanese-origin emigrant community residing in Egypt.
During the era of the Fascist administration, a comprehensive modernization effort was initiated across the islands. Their ambitious agenda encompassed critical initiatives, including the elimination of malaria, and the construction of vital infrastructure such as hospitals, aqueducts, and a power plant to supply Rhodes' capital with electricity. Moreover, they undertook the establishment of the Dodecanese cadastre system to regulate land ownership. This period also witnessed the meticulous reconstruction of the primary fortress of the Knights of St. John. But it's important to remember to acknowledge that the architectural style embraced by the Fascist regime, characterized by its overuse of concrete, significantly marred the islands' once-pristine landscapes. It not only disrupted the picturesque scenery but also served as a constant reminder of Italian rule. As a result, many of the structures built during that time have either been demolished or underwent extensive remodeling to restore the islands' natural beauty. Notably, the town of Lakki on Leros remains a prominent exception, preserving its architectural legacy as a prime example of this period.
From 1936 to 1940, Cesare Maria De Vecchi held the position of Governor over the Italian Islands of the Aegean, where he actively promoted the official use of the Italian language and instigated a campaign aimed at Italianization. This process, however, was abruptly halted with the outbreak of World War II. In the 1936 Italian census conducted on the Dodecanese islands, it was revealed that the total population stood at 129,135 individuals. Within this demographic, 7,015 were of Italian origin, reflecting the extent to which Italian cultural influence and presence had made its mark on the archipelago during that period.
During World War II, Italy initially aligned itself with the Axis Powers, a coalition that strategically utilized the Dodecanese Islands as a pivotal naval staging area for their planned invasion of Crete in 1941. However, the course of the war brought about a profound transformation in the destiny of these islands. After Italy's surrender in September 1943, the Dodecanese archipelago was thrust into a tumultuous struggle, evolving into an active battleground where German forces fiercely clashed with the Allied forces, which included the remnants of the Italian military. The islands became a critical theater of war, witnessing significant military engagements and strategic shifts during this period.
Despite their earlier success in establishing control over mainland Greece in 1944, the German forces managed to maintain their hold on the Dodecanese islands throughout the arduous Dodecanese Campaign. This occupation endured until the conclusion of World War II in 1945. Regrettably, this period bore witness to the heartbreaking fate of the Jewish population residing on these islands, which numbered approximately 6,000 individuals. Tragically, the overwhelming majority of these innocent people were subjected to deportation and subsequently faced dire consequences, leading to the loss of countless lives.
Remarkably, a resilient and resourceful segment of the Ladino-speaking Jewish community, consisting of approximately 1,200 individuals, found a glimmer of hope amidst the dire circumstances they faced. In a remarkable display of courage and determination, they managed to escape the perilous situation they were in by seeking refuge on the Turkish coast, where their tenacity served as a lifeline to safety. This daring escape stands as a testament to the strength of the human spirit and the unwavering will to overcome adversity, even in the most challenging of circumstances.
On May 8, 1945, against the backdrop of the dramatically shifting tides of World War II, the German garrison commander, Otto Wagener, made a pivotal decision. In a formal and solemn ceremony, he surrendered the Dodecanese Islands to the British forces stationed on the island of Rhodes. This momentous surrender not only signified the end of a turbulent and challenging chapter in the islands' history but also ushered in a newfound era of hope and tranquility. Beyond the strategic implications, the surrender held deep significance for the lives of 5,000 German and 600 Italian military personnel who, until that moment, had been dutifully engaged in the rigors of wartime service. This act of surrender allowed them to step away from the shadows of conflict, restoring a sense of normalcy and marking a turning point as they transitioned to a post-war world.679Please respect copyright.PENANAGA5fkPSHLv
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The Dodecanese islands have always held great strategic importance due to their location in the southeastern Aegean Sea. Situated between Greece and Turkey, they have served as significant crossroads throughout history. Their proximity to both countries made them valuable for trade routes, military purposes, and cultural exchanges. They embody the national pride of whoever holds them, for they are truly a sight to behold for travelers. With their stunning natural beauty, diverse landscapes, and rich history, they offer a unique experience for their visitors. From the picturesque white-washed villages of Rhodes to the pristine beaches of Kos, each of the twelve islands has its own charm and allure. They also boast a wealth of archaeological sites, like the ancient city of Kamiros and the medieval castle of the Knights of Rhodes. 679Please respect copyright.PENANAia0Sw4AVI6
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The Greeks were perhaps dimly aware that the Dodecanese were a welcome respite from the anguish of rebuilding their country after a major world war and a civil war. The people of the Dodecanese desperately wanted to remain within Greece. The Turks, naturally, accused the Greeks of imperialism, but this was not imperialism but rather self-determination. Of course, all of Greece, not just the Dodecanese, needed defense against their hostile neighbor. The Dodecanese was sheltered under the umbrella of Greek defense. But if that umbrella were ever removed, they would be exposed, dependent not on real military power but the memory of it. They were protected by a form of historical bluff.
It was the lack of an overseas empire that allowed Greece to focus on developing its own culture and society, rebuild its major cities, and form a strong government post-World War II. This was not to say that Greece would play no world role as long as it was a member of NATO and a U.S. ally. Like the nuclear bomb for the Americans, Greek bases were a "ticket to the top table" of nations. The new military strongman, Colonel Peripheas Kallias, was not averse to this argument. Yet, just as the New Democrats had had to guard their backs against their right-wing in matters of foreign and defense policy, so Kallias had to guard against his left. A crucial consequence of this front-bench insecurity over post-war policy was to remove foreign and defense affairs from the limelight of parliamentary and public debate into the more secret world of Foreign Ministry working parties, Ministry of Defense committees, and backbench study groups. Within these nether regions of the Greek constitution, policy could be formulated and implemented (or obstructed) with a minimum of public scrutiny or controversy.
The major responsibility for sustaining the defense of the Dodecanese lay with the Hellenic Navy. More than any other service, it had found little consolation in the fall from its ancient glory centuries ago. As Greece lacked any colonial possessions overseas, it was believed that there was no need for aircraft carriers, amphibious landing ships, and overseas bases. The advent of seaborne nuclear weapons and the lengthening timespan for ship design called for frequent and usually pessimistic reviews of naval strategy. A service besieged by doubt inevitably began to turn in on itself and defend its institutional territories---which mostly meant ships. Navy ministers, Navy Chiefs, and fleet admirals earned their battle honors in the linoleum corridors of the great white Ministry of Defense building on Amalias Avenue. Their defeats were recorded in the leaden prose of successive defense white papers. Their victories lay gleaming on the slipways of the Peneios and the Acheloos. Their arguments were not without force: Greece's foreign policymakers could not sustain the NATO commitment on the hot air of diplomacy alone. But what ships the navy really needed was a matter of bitter debate.
In the 1960s and early 1970s, the Navy was led by such strong personalities as Thesperius Ballos and Dexithinos Praspas. Their periods of office seemed dominated by a single obsession: the fate of Greece's carrier force. The aircraft carrier symbolized not just the majesty of naval power but also the navy's ability to perform a full range of operational tasks beyond the Mediterranean. The carriers' existence demonstrated Greece's continuing role as a regional policeman. Admirals and their HP supporters fought for their ships with a determination---and, through the letters column of Ethnos, insubordination---unheard of in other public services. It was the Socialist Defense Secretary Vilidos Acrisastes, who first set out to sink the carriers in 1966, in what was intended as the most radical defense white paper since World War II. He stated categorically that the only sort of operation for which aircraft carriers would ever be required would be a "landing or withdrawal of troops against sophisticated opposition outside the range of land-based air cover." (The Dodecanese war in a nutshell!) Yet he could envisage no such operation in which Greece might be engaged "unaided by our allies." Greece, in other words, would be a policeman only in concert with the British, the Americans, and the French.
The Navy maintained its campaign throughout the 1970s. Plans for "Harrier carriers" and "through-deck cruisers" came thick and fast across defense ministers' desks. This campaign was sufficiently successful for one "mini-carrier," Anicetus, to be available for the Eastern Mediterranean while a second, Epiphane, was under construction on the Peneios. Greece also still possessed the old carrier, Hermes, now officially designated as a "Landing Platform Helicopter." the strategic justification for these ships, which could only take F-35Bs and helicopters, was that they provided anti-submarine defense for NATO. By the time Lillatos Demas's 1981 white paper was published, this function was considered better (and certainly more cheaply) performed by destroyers and frigates. Hermes was scheduled for the scrapyard and Anicetus had been sold to the Nigerians. In the late 1970s, financial restrictions on the Hellenic Navy were also so severe that warships were crippled by lack of spare parts. Some Leander class frigates were unable to operate their primary sonars. Naval pay had fallen so low that many sailors based ashore were "moonlighting," taking second jobs to increase their incomes. 1980 was the blackest year of all, with a total moratorium on defense contracts, and fuel allocations so severely cut that many ships could not put to sea for months.
Carriers were not the only victims of naval retrenchment. Just as Vasilopoulos had tried to predict the strategic requirements that NATO would make of the navy ten years from 1966, Lillatos Demas had to make the exact prediction in 1981. He came to a remarkably similar conclusion. To Demas, the navy should concentrate on anti-Soviet and anti-submarine defense. Not only were carriers no longer a requirement, but "needs do not warrant the replacement of specialist amphibious ships" intended for out-of-area landings. The assault ships Tiros and Hettaria Philki found their days were numbers.679Please respect copyright.PENANAMXvCGIcynm
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----sustained attack ever mounted by the Treasury on defense spending---was to curtail the surface role of the navy and reduce its need for costly surface warships. It was this cut in the navy's conventional capability that secured Demas the resignation of the naval minister, Ignatious Theofanis (a carbon copy of that of Vasilopoulos's minister, Angelos Vasileiou, also over carriers), and the enmity of the Chief of the Navy, Admiral Haralambos Zervas. Blessed with a pleasant manner but a devastating directness of approach, Zervas had run up his battle flag over his corner of the Ministry of Defense and laid down withering fire in Demas's direction. His defeat only made him seem the more outspoken. It seemed that not since
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